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Originally Published In:
Senshin Buddhist Temple, Prajna: Light of Compassion, Vol. 41, No. 4,
April 1995 [edited for Dharma Rain]
This paper is a short presentation of
the history of the Jodo Shinshu Honganji-ha temples in the continental
United States, its current problems, and a projection for the future.
Because the Buddhist Churches of America (BCA) has remained a
predominantly Japanese-American based institution, this paper will
discuss the history of the BCA in terms of a generational chronology;
that is to say, into the periods of Issei (First Generation), Nisei
(Second Generation), and Sansei (Third Generation).
The Issei Period:
The Issei period can be divided again
into two periods. The first period, from 1885 to about 1907, is
characterized by Japanese immigration to the US following the pattern of
dekasegi immigration. The idea of dekasegi was to leave one's native
place to find work else where and return with accumulated wages. The
first large overseas dekasegi was to the kingdom of Hawaii in the period
1885 to 1894. This was followed by immigration to the continental US The
Japanese government, not wanting to present a picture of
"uncivilized Japanese laborers," was very careful in limiting
the number and "quality" of these overseas Japanese laborers.
These immigrant laborers were, for example, required to have proof of
contracted labor and a guarantee of return passage. The attitude that
the Japanese government showed towards these laborers was at best
ambivalent. The problems of these laborers was not a concern of the
Japanese government so long as the Japanese government or Japan more
generally was allowed to look good. This attitude was not missed by
these early immigrant workers who coined the phrase kimin, which
literally means "an abandoned people," to describe themselves
(see "The Issei," Ichioka, Yuji, The Free Press; p. 4).
Because the majority of Japanese
immigrating to the continental United States (as well as to the Kingdom
of Hawaii) came from areas of Japan that are traditional strongholds of
Jodo Shinshu Honganji-ha (Nishi Honganji)--Hiroshima, Yamaguchi,
Northern Kyushu, and Kagoshima prefectures--a petition was sent to the
Honganji-ha mother temple (Honganji) for permission to establish a
temple in San Francisco and request that a priest from the Honganji be
sent. A similar petition had been sent by the Japanese Buddhists living
in the Kingdom of Hawaii ten years earlier. One of the reasons for this
official request may have been due to the experience of bogus priests
swindling money from the Japanese workers saying they were collecting
funds to build temples. The petition was approved by the Honganji and
two missionary priests, Rev., Dr. Shuye Sonoda and Rev. Kakuryo
Nishijima, were sent to San Francisco. They arrived on September 1,
1899. This is the date officially recognized as the beginning of the BCA.
From about 1908, the second Issei period
began. This second period saw a switch from labor in services,
agriculture, railroads, mining, lumber, and fishing industries to
farming and small businesses. Perhaps motivated by the ambivalent
attitude shown by the Japanese government towards them, this was a
conscious effort on the part of the Issei to become permanent residents
of America and to set down roots. In addition, the Japanese government
also facilitated this shift in labor by allowing only businessmen and
farmers to bring wives from Japan. Laborers were not permitted to bring
wives. Between 1910 and 1920 many women entered Issei society in
America, establishing a settled family life. Although family life in
America began during this period, this was also a period of intense
anti-Japanese activity in the west coast states, and especially
California. In the greater San Francisco area, attempts were made to
segregate Japanese and Japanese-American school children. Segregated
schools also existed in communities in the Sacramento delta area. In
1913, California passed its California Alien Land Act which forbade
ownership of land by aliens "ineligible to citizenship." This
group included all Asians. In 1922 the US Supreme Court ruled that
Japanese and other Asians were ineligible for naturalization by reason
of race. This ruling was followed by the Immigration Act of 1924 which
prohibited immigration by aliens ineligible to citizenship.
It was within this social atmosphere
that these immigrants from Japan tried to establish families in America.
An important part of this was the growing Buddhist temples and Christian
churches. Following the example of the Young Men's Christian
Association, the Buddhists formed the Young Men's Buddhist Association.
Buddhist gatherings took the form of the chanting of sutras followed by
sermons, informal talks, or more formal lectures. Study classes were
conducted on Saturday nights with services and more formal lectures on
Sunday. With growing non-Japanese interest in Buddhism, services and
lectures for "non-Asians" were conducted on Monday nights.
From its very beginnings, Jodo Shinshu Buddhism was purposely adapted to
Christian America. This can be seen in the format of its
"services," its lectures, and in the name of its temples as
"Buddhist Associations (bukkyokai)" or "Buddhist Churches
(bukkyo kyokai)" rather than the more proper title of temple. This
ambiguity would have greater implications in the future when later
generations, whose understanding of Jodo Shinshu was not as great and
whose inability to access the Japanese language resources that helped
explain the doctrine, would take over. It was not, for example, until
the 1970s and the growing publication of English materials explaining
the doctrine of Jodo Shinshu that these Buddhist Churches began to
change their names to Buddhist Temples.
Although the identity of the temple as a
temple did not really begin until the 1970s, these Jodo Shinshu temples
quickly grew in areas of heavy Japanese concentration throughout the
west coast states of Washington, Oregon, and most especially in
California. During this first half of the Issei period temples were
affiliated under the organization known as the Hokubei Bukkyodan (North
American Buddhist Mission) which included temples in Canada.
The early decades of the Issei were made
up almost entirely of young single men or men who came alone to America
to work and return to Japan with money (dekasegi). It was a segregated
society of young men working long hours of mostly physical labor. Many
of the Japanese women in America in the early years of the 20th century
were prostitutes brought to America by Japanese procurers called
pejoratively "Ameri-goro" or "American thugs."
Nevertheless, a common Issei saying of the time was to enjoy the weekend
of one's paycheck with the three "hei" or "sanpei"
of "nombei" (drinking), "sukebei" (womanizing), and
"bakappei" (a form of Chinese gambling). Chances to get
together socially were few and far between and such occasions as
funerals and memorial services became very important social as well as
religious occasions. It was, for example, common practice during this
period for Issei members of a temple to attend a funeral at the temple
even if the deceased was not known to them. They would take their "koden"
(the custom of giving the mourning family money to help pay for the
expenses of the funeral) in the spirit of assuring that any Japanese who
died in America would have a proper funeral. In this society of males,
the money left over from the Koden donations went to provide food and
drink after the funeral. The party which ensued was fondly looked
forward to by those attending the funeral. Funerals became events of
great social importance.
In the second period of the Issei, men
brought their wives or arranged for "picture-bride" marriages
from Japan. With the coming of Japanese women and the establishing of
family life, the sometimes raucous parties after the funeral came to an
end. Gifts of tea, cakes, manju (Japanese confectionery), dishes,
postage stamps, etc., and donations to the temple were made from the
money left over from the received Koden. The attitude that un-used Koden
money should not be used for the personal use of surviving family
members remains strong to this day.
Because this period was marked by an
intense anti-Japanese sentiment, the Issei and their children were not
generally permitted to mix with other races socially. In many cases,
Asians were segregated into separate public schools. Those who were
allowed to attend "mixed" public schools were typically not
encouraged to participate in extra-curricular activities such as dances
and parties. Because of this fact, the temple became the center of all
activity other than work or school. To meet the social needs of the
Nisei children temples and churches began to create their own social and
athletic programs which most notably included Japanese cultural and
language classes. Although classes in Ikebana, Chanoyu, Shuji, Shigin,
Shamisen, Biwa, Koto, Shakuhachi, Gagaku, Noh, Tanka, Haiku, Judo,
Kendo, Karate, Kyudo, Naginata, Japanese cooking, Sumie were taught at
both the Japanese Christian churches and Buddhist Temples, this was
especially true for the Buddhist temple. At the Buddhist temple,
Japanese language classes for Nisei children were typically held every
day after public American school and all day Saturday. Sunday was spent
at the temple observing religious services. The Nisei children of the
Issei knew only school, Japanese school, home chores, farm work, evening
homework, Japanese school on Saturday, and temple services and
activities on Sunday. The few social activities available to these
children were all found at the temple.
Although some of these early temples
were built by the membership, the original temples tended to be
converted Christian churches or other building that was purchased. Money
to purchase and maintain these buildings were collected through
membership dues, donations, and fundraising events. A resident priest
was hired to serve that temple and was paid a monthly salary generally
supplemented by honorariums. During the Issei period, the temple was run
by an all male board of directors who annually chose a cabinet of
President, Vice-President, Secretary, and Treasurer to lead them. The
board met monthly to conduct the business of the temple in conjunction
with the resident priest. Affiliated organizations grew and proliferated
as Nisei children grew older and began to have children of their own.
By the early 1940s, the majority of
Nisei were teenagers, many entering college and the American mainstream,
at least educationally if not socially. The temples still remained
important centers for socializing where one could meet a future marriage
partner at an athletic meet, conference, seminar, fund raising event,
Bon Odori, etc. The Buddhist temples were flourishing with the first
Japanese-American students being sent to Japan to study for the Buddhist
priesthood. The need for and emphasis on English as the language of
instruction was clearly seen, and the recruiting and training of
English-speaking priests became a priority.
The Nisei Period:
All this came to a sudden end with the
bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. Because of their
association with traditional Japan, many Buddhist priests living in the
Pacific Coast states were arrested and imprisoned by the FBI. Their
families did not know of their whereabouts for many months, and in some
cases years. In this atmosphere of fear and rumor, anything which might
connect you with Japan was hidden or destroyed for fear of arrest by the
FBI. For Buddhists especially, the very "Japaneseyness" of the
temples made them suspect. Japanese books, sutras, butsudan (family
altars), gagaku and other musical instruments, Girl's Day and Boy's Day
dolls, martial arts gear, etc. were either buried or destroyed. Those
that survived were in warehouses that survived pilfering or put in the
safekeeping of American friends until after the war.
The leadership of the Buddhist temples
was removed almost overnight, leaving inexperienced but English-speaking
Nisei youth to deal with the government authorities. The leadership of
the Japanese-American community was suddenly taken out of the hands of
the largely non-English speaking Issei and fell into the hands of the
young Nisei who could communicate in English with the government
authorities. The transition of leadership and authority was abrupt and
one-sided and caused splits between generations and between Buddhists
and Christians which remain to this day.
By late Spring of 1942, all Japanese and
Japanese-Americans living in the states of Washington, Oregon, and
California were imprisoned in ten camps scattered in isolated areas
throughout the United States. Only the barest of necessities could be
taken to the camps. Japanese-Americans virtually lost everything. For
Buddhists, valued Butsudan, sutra books, and other religious articles
were lost. All of the camps were in isolated areas of the country. Some
110,000 men, women, and children were imprisoned, housed in barracks
which held 3 to 4 families in single rooms. Unlike the Japanese
Christians, the Buddhists had no help from outside the camps. Indeed,
the Buddhists were considered more "suspect" than their
Christian counterparts as anti-American and pro-Japanese, even by their
fellow Japanese-Christians. Emotionally, the ancient and beloved
Buddhist symbol of the swastika did not help matters much when it was
adopted as the symbol of the Nazi party. The Dharmachakra (Wheel of
Dharma) has replaced it as the symbol of American Buddhism.
Faithful Buddhists however, continued to
practice their religion, starting from scratch: re-transcribing the
sutras, making Butsudan, juzu (meditation/counting beads), oko (incense
powder) from scraps of wood and other materials found in the camps,
printing service books and bulletins, etc. Most Nisei affirmed their
American loyalty by joining segregated units in the American army,
becoming the most decorated unit in American history. A small number
affirmed their Americanness by refusing to join the army of a country
which denied them their civil rights as American Citizens.
By 1945, the Japanese and
Japanese-Americans were permitted to return to the Pacific Coast states
to start their lives again, with the vast majority opting to do so.
During this period, many of the temples that had not been lost during
the evacuation were quickly converted into hostels for families
returning from the camps. As soon as these families found work and
housing, they left the hostel for the next incoming family. Issei and
Nisei couples found it necessary for both to work. Nisei men, many of
whom had college graduate and higher educational degrees from American
Universities had great difficulty finding employment in a still hostile
society. Many resorted to struggling with their own small businesses or
working as gardeners, plumbers, and other service jobs. Their wives
tended to find employment more easily, many finding work in banking,
secretarial, and management positions in American companies. Their jobs
often brought in more money than did their husbands and provided them
with more contact with the society at large. This greater accessibility
allowed Nisei women to be more flexible and broader in their social
views than their husbands.
Throughout this time, the temple
remained the social, cultural, as well as the religious center for the
Japanese-American Buddhist. Dances were now permitted and became an
important part of all Nisei and Sansei gatherings. Nisei and later their
Sansei children met, dated, and later married each other as a result of
having attended conferences, dances, athletic events, seminars, and
retreats. Nisei women, however, still tended to defer to their men, who
in turn deferred to the Issei men. The Issei were thus able to
reestablish their hold on governing the workings of the temple and
generally not passing it down to their children until after their death.
The Nisei accepted this state of affairs as natural, respecting and
observing the Confucian ethic of filial piety ("Oyakoko" Jpz.)
to a degree unequaled by their parents and to a degree not approachable
by their children. Coming of age during the war years, many Nisei women
and men sacrificed their personal lives, giving up marriage and family
of their own, to care for their now aging Issei parents.
The priest or minister, as they were
more commonly called by this time, tended to have three services every
Sunday in addition to whatever private family memorial services,
weddings, funerals, etc., that had to be performed. All these
"other" services tended to cluster around the weekends. In
addition to the religious services that the priest was expected to
conduct, the minister was also expected to attend all the different
meetings held by each of the auxiliary organizations of the temple as
well as participate in the district and national organizations. Because
of all the different expectations of the minister's time the membership
had, some programs had to be abbreviated, curtailed, postponed, or
canceled. Unfortunately, the programs that tended to be abbreviated were
the English programs including the Sunday School and the English adult
class: the Japanese language services and activities took precedence
over the English language services and activities. An unfortunate
consequence of this emphasis was the creation of a large group of Nisei
followers who only have a sketchy notion of what Jodo Shinshu Buddhism
is about because their understanding of the Japanese language did not
allow them to fully understand what was being explained to them.
The language of temple life remained
Japanese, even though the Nisei and Sansei were increasingly unable to
speak, write, or understand it. This was to become the seed of a subtle
exclusion of younger Nisei and Sansei participation at board meetings,
and by extension from positions of responsibility and leadership in
temple life. At age 40, for example, one is still thought to be
"too young" to carry on the responsibilities of temple
president, even though the Issei became temple presidents at much
younger ages. The main services conducted at the temple were the weekly
services in Japanese which took place in the early afternoon on Sunday.
Sunday School and English service took place on Sunday morning. This
emphasis on the Japanese language service could be seen even in the
adornments of the altar area, and the formal nature of the Japanese
service. It was acceptable, for example, for the English language
service to be an abbreviation of the Japanese service in both display
and formality. The secondary status of the English language was further
reinforced by statements such as "English cannot convey Buddhist
principles and understanding." Unfortunately, if this statement
were true, then the universality of Jodo Shinshu would be clearly
negated.
These problems notwithstanding, the
temples were able to re-establish themselves, building new temples by
the 1950s and 1960s. The teaching of Jodo Shinshu in the English
language was concentrated in the weekly Sunday School, primarily in the
education of Sansei children. This was done by a large voluntary staff
of Nisei members, many of whom were public school teachers. Teaching
methods, curriculum, even the value systems of the public schools were
imitated in the Sunday Schools. The vague understanding of Jodo Shinshu
by many Nisei teachers resulted in the emphasizing of "general
Buddhism" in Sunday Schools. Adult education in the English
language was largely non-existent except for periodic national and
district conferences and periodic publications by individual priests.
The confusion between general Buddhism and Jodo Shinshu gave rise to
many questions about such topics as "jiriki versus tariki,"
"God and Amida," "karma and soul," etc., questions
which teachers and ministers were unprepared to answer in English, or
indeed in Japanese.
By the 1970s and 1980s, however, the
attendance of junior high and senior high school aged students at these
Sunday Schools continued to drop to alarming figures. What and how to
teach the upper grades became a chronic problem. What had been taught to
children in these Sunday Schools was no longer enough to keep young
adults interested in the temple.
The Sansei and the Present:
With dropping attendance by the young
adult population, many Nisei and Sansei adults gathered to emphasize
adult education with an increased interest in the meaning of traditional
Jodo Shinshu ritual practices and teachings. This coincided with the
renewed interest among the Sansei, in general, in things with a Japanese
and Japanese-American identity.
The coming of age of the Sansei
generation is characterized by the American social phenomenon of
third-generation Americans returning to the culture of their immigrant
grandparents. Among Jodo Shinshu Buddhists, this expressed itself in a
renewed interest in and a return to more traditional ways as well as
providing the foundation for the creation of uniquely Japanese-American
expressions of these traditions. For example, this renewed emphasis on
traditional ritual allowed many Jodo Shinshu Buddhist temples to remove
many of the Congregational Christian elements of service worship that
found their way into the Sunday service while maintaining the
"Sunday go to meeting" custom of American religion to remain.
Furthermore, this "return to tradition" also provided the
groundwork for the creation of uniquely Japanese-American Buddhist forms
of culture such as Taiko, a unique form of the Bon Odori, the
communalizing of such activities as Mochi-tsuki (pounding rice cakes),
food sales, and the creation of fusion musical groups as examples.
This return to tradition, however, has
constantly been counter-balanced by the increasing number of
intermarriages outside the Japanese-American community; in Los Angeles,
this rate is estimated at 50% The increasing "outside"
cultural influences on the children of temple families is a growing
challenge to the Jodo Shinshu temple. For example, even within the
Buddhist community, until the 1960s Japanese Buddhism was the only form
of Buddhism in sizable numbers in America. The overwhelming majority of
these Japanese-American Buddhists was Jodo Shinshu Honganji-ha. Since
the 1960s, however, other Asian groups have immigrated to the United
States bringing with them their own tradition of Buddhism. In Los
Angeles, for example, the Sangha Council is made up of Buddhist
traditions from Burma, Cambodia, China, Japan, Korea, Laos, Malaysia,
Sri Lanka, Thailand, Tibet, and Vietnam. With the increasing number of
options available even within the Buddhist community, Sansei
Japanese-Americans have found no difficulty in becoming Christians,
Muslims, Sikhs, Jews, Tibetan monks and nuns, Hindus and Bahai, but have
found it extremely difficult to understand the religion into which they
were born, or Jodo Shinshu.
With the coming of age of the Sansei
generation, the general consensus is that there is an urgent need for
adult education in the English language. Although the transition to
English is slowly being accomplished, the transition is being hampered
by the history of the temple. The temple began as the Hokubei Kyodan
(North American Sangha) and was an organization of the Issei modeled
after Japanese religious institutions. From this grew the Buddhist
Churches of America (BCA) which was born rather abruptly in the
concentration camps during World War II. The birth of the Nisei
organization was accomplished, ironically, partly because of the
incarceration of the Buddhist community in the camps where the
Japanese-speaking Issei leadership was replaced by their English
speaking children. However, because this new institution was created
under these circumstances, the BCA made it a point to emphasize its
"Americanness" by copying Christian models for religious
services and organizations. The imitation of the Christian churches was
especially evident in the use of the term "church" versus
"temple" in referring to the parent organization. This
imitation of the Christian churches was on a broad scale with little
understanding of or regard for the Buddhist position in such matters,
much less the Jodo Shinshu position. Because of this history, there is a
need to re-evaluate and explain the function of a temple and the temple
ritual in English if the temple is to have any real religious meaning in
the lives of Jodo Shinshu Buddhists in America.
This need for explanation in English,
however, comes at a time when an extreme shortage of priests from Japan
and America has also been identified. The Jodo Shinshu Honganji-ha
temples in the Continental United States with a resident minister number
49 temples. Full time priests number 56. There are a handful of
part-time ministers who serve temples on weekends. In addition there are
14 temples who have no resident minister and are being serviced by
ministers from nearby temples. BCA temples are incorporated as
non-profit, charitable, religious organization, and are owned and
operated by the members of that organization. Ministers are employed by
the temple and are assigned by the Bishop of the BCA who has
traditionally negotiated between the temple board of directors and the
minister. The majority of Nisei and Sansei priests are from non-priest
families and the creation of a hereditary line is generally not a
concern.
Problems and Projections:
Although still in its infancy, adult
level propagation of Jodo Shinshu in our temples have produced a small
but deeply concerned and informed laity. The priests in general have not
kept up, nor encouraged this small but growing group. We as priests have
not presented Jodo Shinshu, as an important religious tradition in
American life, in a clear and systematic manner. We have not, for
example, dealt with the place and function of ritual in our temples, the
participation rather than observation of the laity in these rituals, and
what the function of the priest should be during these rituals or other
temple activities more generally. Instead, we have simply maintained
what has been without, perhaps, even knowing why any of these things are
done in the first place.
In order to address some of these
issues, and especially the need for adult education in English, the
clergy will need to be better trained than in the past. This will
include a better grasp of the Japanese written language on the part of
American born priests, and more fluency of the spoken English language
by Japanese born priests who come to America. American born priests will
have to expand their study time in Japan in terms of learning how to
read and understand the Japanese of Jodo Shinshu literature and to
experience living examples of that tradition. Understanding and
appreciating Japan is not as important as understanding Jodo Shinshu,
Japan's most important religious contribution to the world. Both
American born and Japanese born priests, however, will have to present a
Jodo Shinshu point of view to the many social ails that afflict our
society today. These discussions will include but are not limited to the
social problems of law and order, ethics and morality, marriage and
family, and the constant problems of race relations that seem to have
reached crisis proportions in America. The Jodo Shinshu clergy needs to
discuss and discover what the Jodo Shinshu point of view to these and
other problems are, and critique American society from that point of
view. We should not be so much interested in the Americanization of Jodo
Shinshu as in the Jodo Shinshuization of America. In order to do that,
we must sit down and seriously discuss what the essential point of Jodo
Shinshu is, and what is peripheral to that expression. In this regard,
hands on experience at a temple in Japan for our students and at a
temple in America for Japanese students would be extremely helpful if
the student gets the opportunity to talk to priests and lay members
about Jodo Shinshu and problems in its propagation and understanding,
instead of merely observing how things are done in each context.
More and deeper contact between the
various Jodo Shinshu international groups is something greatly to be
desired. International conferences and exchanges have done the
groundwork. It is now time to meet for more in-depth exchanges about
what Jodo Shinshu is all about, how it affects and can affect our daily
lives, what kind of changes we need to make in order to facilitate
propagation, and how best to effect those changes. More than any time in
our past, we are now ready to take that next step. Let us hope that we
will take advantage of this great opportunity. It is more than
auspicious that it coincides with the 500th memorial observance of
Rennyo Shonin, the great interpreter of Jodo Shinshu to the people of
his age.
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